Posts
Friday, 29 December 2006
Monday, 25 December 2006
Thursday, 7 December 2006
TVV FORMATION --IN 2006
Hyderabad district TVV meeting. guests Pasham Yadagiri (President Telangana journalists forum), is speaking, Mr.P.Vital ( President,Telangana Eployees association)
Student leaders , Daruvu Yellanna, Thirupathaiah can be seen.(sundarayya vignana kendram, baglingam pally)
pledge , by Osmania, Kakathiya uni students and research scholers, being done by Daruvu Yellanna (TVV, convenor) (in front of assembly)
Tuesday, 28 November 2006
TVV leader Mothe GangaReddy and others
Telanga Vidyarthi Vedika's agitation on BLACK DAY(Nov 1,2006) has been published in the front page of Andhrajyothy. On the same day CM and Ex.CM of AP celebrating AP formation Day.
A Delegation of telangana student leaders protesting in front AP assembly . TVV leaders Daruvu Ellanna, Mothe Ganga Reddy, Anjanna, Ramana and Jagan can also be seen.
" In the united AP , Everyday day is a black day for Telangana".
TVV leader Mothe GangaReddy speaking to the gathering of student leaders(from all the universities) at AP assembly, Hyderabad.
Saturday, 25 November 2006
Telangana FAQ
Every time Telangana people open their mouths, doubting Toms raise some concerns and doubts and questions. Some of these doubting Toms don’t know the historical background, some others don’t understand political strategies and outcomes. Some are protecting selfish interests while others think they are protecting unity of Telugu speaking people. Whatever the motives and basis for these doubts or questions and concerns, investigating and finding appropriate answers backed by facts, is essential.
1) Why are we hearing separate Telangana slogan again?
The demand for a separate state of Telangana isn’t new. Telanganites have very clearly expressed their opposition a decade before Andhra Pradesh was formed. They reasoned that in a united Andhra Pradesh they will not get justice. Even after five decades, this demand is continuing. The reason for this is the experience of past 48 years that justice will not be done to Telangana and belief that it will continue to be denied to Telanganites in united AP.
2) Isn’t Telangana slogan the creation of unemployed politicians?
Telangana demand is a peoples’ movement born out of their problems. Are all the people robbed unabatedly, continuously for the 48-years and raising their voice again , unemployed political leaders? Who are the unemployed political Leaders? Are they the farmers that have been suffering for lack of drinking water, irrigations water, and cuts in electric supply? Are they the workers who lost their livelihood due to lack of new industries, and closure of existing industries? Are they the unemployed youth whose job opportunities are hijacked by outsiders? Are they the innumerable people who have been labeled and suppressed as terrorists because they raised their voice for Telangana? When people are subject to robbery and injustice and take to the streets, it is natural for leaders to enter the fray. Just because out of power politicians support Telangana statehood, does it stop being peoples’ movement? In any movement, politicians in and out of power join in. Some even deceive and attempt to side line the movement, but they can’t stop the movement. Movements continue until justice is served to the people. The educated that are the pillars of this movement aren’t unemployed. They aren’t even after employment for themselves.
3) Why didn’t the Chief Ministers that came from Telangana area work to develop Telangana?
It is true that PV Narasimha Rao, Marri Chenna Reddy (twice), T. Anjiah from Telangana were Chief Ministers of AP. Altogether they were in power for 6-years in four terms. It is also true they haven’t made any noticeable development of Telangana. Jalagam Vengal Rao was a settler. He never assimilated himself in Telangana. He is credited with the disservice to Telangana by extending Nagarjun Sagar left canal. Then what about, Rayala Seema? There were stalwarts from Rayala seems that were in power for twenty years. (N. Sanjeeva Reddy-2terms, Damodaram Sanjeeviah, K. Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy-2 terms, CB Naidu-2 terms). Why is Rayalaseema backward? Fact is they slaved for the Coastal Andhra wealth and the privileged few of these wealthy that control the politics of the state. Fazal Ali commission recognized the consequences of mixing a developed area with a backward area and recommended that Telangana be kept as a separate state. If this country’s politicians had the wherewithal to listen to the wise men, we wouldn’t be in this situation!
4) Isn’t it detrimental to Indian national unity if small states are continuously created?
Out of the 35 states currently in India (28 states and 7 central possessions), 70% are smaller than Telangana. Telangana’s population is 30 million plus. There are 25 states that are smaller than Telangana. If these twenty-five don’t cause national unity issues, why would creation of a larger state be any dangerous? (See P119-120 for details)
5)What would you do if the backward districts in Telangana want a separate state of their own after formation of Telangana state?
Backwardness of Telangana is a major reason for the Telangana state demand but not the sole reason. All ten Telangana districts have same historical background, geographic closeness, cultural commonality, language unity, and mutual understanding among the people. These factors are all foundation for unity of thought. Never did the people of Telangana districts express a desire or sentiment to be separate from the rest of the districts directly or indirectly. There isn’t an opportunity for such either. In our country there are some other backward districts in various states. Are they all demanding a separate statehood? It is meaning less and baseless argument.
6)Why do people with one language need two states?
If one language, one state is the norm, why do we have 9-Hindhi speaking states? Next to Hindi, Telugu is the most spoken language in India. What is wrong with having two states that speak Telugu? Some people claim that Telangana Telugu isn’t the proper Telugu. Some others say it isn’t even Telugu.
Why should these people that make fun of Telangana language and ridicule its culture should be objecting if Telangana is separate state?
7)Isn’t a separate state, a nation dividing, people separating, demand?
If the desire of a people of a region to have their own state is a divisive act, then all states formation is a divisive act. In fact language based state formation itself is a divisive act. Same reasons that Potti Sriramulu the architect for separation of Andhra from Madras state, presented are the reasons Telanganites want their own state. The same argument used by the Andhras in the past is used by Telanganites now. If it was not an objectionable demand then how could it be objectionable now?
8)How long should states division continue?
Staes re-organization is a continuing activity in India. Even before Fazal Ali commission this process has started, Example: Formation of Andhra, split from Madras. It has been continuing ever since, Ex: Eastern states division, Maharastra,Gujrath, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jarkhand, Uttaranchal, Chattisghad. Why should there be any objections for Telangana formation when there were no such objections for these states formation?
9) There are other backward areas in the state. Why should only Telangana people have a separate state of their own?
Just as Telangana, Rayalaseema and north Andhra have been discriminated. True. But, additionally Telangana has been systemically robbed. Diversion of this regions natural resources, water, under ground resources and their income to other areas, the robbing of jobs from the region’s people, Colonization aren’t directed at other areas. Additionally the Telanganites have been subject to ridicule with respect to the language and the politicians have been looked down upon to the extent they lost their own self image. To preserve their self respect and to protect their region’s natural resources, people of Telangana want their own state.
10)Aren’t Naxalites the cause of Telangana’s backwardness?
Only people that don’t understand or like to conveniently ignore historical facts would ask such questions. Naxals aren’t the cause of Telangana backwardness. They are an effect of Telangana backwardness. Naxals came up in Telangana due to this region has been subject to continues neglect and systematic theft of its resources.
If Naxals are the reason, then districts where Naxals activity is less should be more developed than those with strong Naxals presence. Then why is it that Mahabubnagar where naxals presence was low is further behind Naxals strong holds of Karimnagar, Warangal and Nizamabad?
Similarly, why is Vizag one of the important centers of Naxals activity is a flourishing industrial center not just in state but also in the country?
How is the Kothagudem thermal station which is in the middle of forested area able to complete its expansion under the schedule?
How is National thermal electric center in Ramagundam (even though its electricity isn’t used for Telangana) operating without any problems?
How is the coal from Singareni mines being mined and sent to Andhra and Rayalaseema?
How are Andhra settlers that bought off locals are able to flourish safely and prosperously in many Telangana areas?
In Warangal forests how is AP rayons, a private factory, operating?
How are the cement factories in Nalgonda singareni coal belt, those established by the Andhra Capitalists, able to operate and make profits?
Who is responsible for the closure of Ajamjhahi mills, Sirpur sirsilk mills, Anthargam spinning mills, DBR mills, Alwyn factories, Republic forge, fourteen milk cooling plants? Didn’t Naxals object to such irresponsible Government mismanagement?
If Naxals are the cause of Telangana backwardness, how is the current Government who promised to complete all pending projects within three years in Telangana going to do it?
The cause of 1969 Telangana revolution was the Governments partiality. There were no Naxals then.
Who doesn’t know that the powers that are used to the stealing of Telangana resources and neglecting Telangana for the past 48 years want to continue to do the same, and are using Naxals as an excuse? Otherwise why would the Government that started talks as a response to people’s wishes is throwing stones in the talks process? Instead of asking for a separate state, why can’t you fight for development within the frame work of united AP?The promises of Telangana development have been made for the past 48 years in united AP. Before and after the formation of AP, Which promises were kept? Which agreements were respected? Which projects were implemented? Which principles were they bound to? From the first day of AP formation, till to-day, agreements are being broken. What were the united AP wishers do? Did they even express any concerns? How long should the Telangana people bear this and put up with this injustice? Isn’t separate Telangana state an anti-Andhra people’s movement?Emphatically, no. Telangana people don’t bear any animosity against the coastal Andhra or Rayalaseema people or the ordinary migrants from those areas to Telangana. Telangana people’s anger is with: The rulers that are raping Telangana resources. With their supporters in Andhra and also from Telangana. Those that came to Telangana and think they are the rulers of Telangana. Those that control the state Government with their financial strength and rob Telangana. Those that ridicule, Telangana language, culture and their mannerisms. All those that become a part of Telangana and share in the happiness and sorrow of Telangana with the locals are welcomed and, respected and loved.
11)What is there to be gained by the SC, ST and weaker sections in separate Telangana?
What did these groups gain in united AP in 48 years? Apart from Sanjeeviah being CM for few months, when did any of these classes have any power? What is the status of these peoples leadership? What is the attitude of current Congress, BJP, both the communist parties, TDP? Not only the weaker sections, even the forward classes of Telangana, do they have any opportunity to exert any real power? For these classes to gain power they have to become active. For the past few years these people are rising, becoming active. No matter how active they become, in the united AP, not only these but other classes of people will also not progress. At least the forward class in Telangana have come to realization that it is unavoidable in the society for all people to a rightful share in the political power. Because of this there is opportunity in Separate Telangana for true democracy represented by all people, to prevail.
12 )Andhras have built Hyderabad. Is it fair to ask them to leave it now?
Hyderabad was a beautiful city built by Nizam on the sweat of Telangana villagers. One of the reasons Andhras eyed Telangana was Hyderabad- a ready made beautiful Capitol city. It was fifth largest city before AP was formed and it still is fifth largest city. If Andhras contributed to Hyderabad, it was not out of love for Telangana but was for the convenience of the rich Andhras that have made Hyderabad their home. Hydearabd is still growing but not from Andhras coming to settle but from the middle classes and forward classes of Telangana moving to the city for security and for services and livelihood, as the village economy in Telangana is all but destroyed by neglect of the ruling class, and failure of monsoons. Besides, nobody is asking anybody to leave any place. India is a free country and anybody can go and stay and pursue their livelihood anywhere in India. Hyderabad is a cosmopolitan city and people from many languages and all states of India call it their home. Also, this isn’t a separation of people like Pakistan and India. It is merely a separation of political and administrative machinery so people of Telangana can control their own destiny. The settlers are welcome to stay, contribute and share in the success of Telangana.
Thursday, 23 November 2006
Wednesday, 22 November 2006
Telangana History and Facts
Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, Qutubshahis, asafjahis. Of which the Kakathiyas impressions on architecture are found more in these days too. Sathavahanas ruled over the Telangana for about 400 years from the 2nd century B.C. to beyond the 2nd century A.D. Sathavahanas were also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis. In the 3rd century B.C., Simukha, the founder of the Sathavahana dynasty, unified the various Andhra principalities into one kingdom and became its ruler (271 B.C. -- 248 B.C.).Satakarni II, the sixth ruler of the dynasty (184 B.C.) was an able ruler who extended his kingdom to the west. He ruled for a period of 56 years. Pulumavi I has brought renewed strength and glory to their kingdom. The only silver lining in this dynasty was the excellent literary work, Gathasaptasati, of Hala, the 17th Satavahana king. Dharmapuri in Karimnagar was the capital city for many years.
Among Kakathiyas , Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.
During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastern province of Bahmani kingdom.
When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.
The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.
Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.
At this time the Moughals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainity of Moughal emporer Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moughlals.
With the connivance of mirjumla the Mughal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besiezed Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.
The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb's general . Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang, who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb's death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.
In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter's defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam.
The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest surviving son, Sikander Jah, occured on 7 August 1803.
Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the wertern frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.
By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.
The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded, was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam's dominion.
Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of "is Exalted Highness" was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of 'Faithful Ally of the British Government.'
Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.
In 1885 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.
In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.
Soon after the announcement of His Majesty's Government's plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a firman declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.
Meanwhile Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.
The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam's claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.
The below given are the detailed notes on the history of Ancient,medieval ,modern period of the Telangana region and also the freedom struggle, Razakar Movement and The separate Telangana agitation.
CLICK TO GO TO HOME PAGE
Among Kakathiyas , Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.
During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastern province of Bahmani kingdom.
When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.
The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.
Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.
At this time the Moughals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainity of Moughal emporer Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moughlals.
With the connivance of mirjumla the Mughal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besiezed Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.
The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb's general . Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang, who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb's death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.
In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter's defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam.
The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest surviving son, Sikander Jah, occured on 7 August 1803.
Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the wertern frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.
By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.
The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded, was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam's dominion.
Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of "is Exalted Highness" was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of 'Faithful Ally of the British Government.'
Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.
In 1885 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.
In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.
Soon after the announcement of His Majesty's Government's plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a firman declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.
Meanwhile Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.
The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam's claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.
The below given are the detailed notes on the history of Ancient,medieval ,modern period of the Telangana region and also the freedom struggle, Razakar Movement and The separate Telangana agitation.
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Telangana History and Facts
Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, Qutubshahis, asafjahis. Of which the Kakathiyas impressions on architecture are found more in these days too. Sathavahanas ruled over the Telangana for about 400 years from the 2nd century B.C. to beyond the 2nd century A.D. Sathavahanas were also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis. In the 3rd century B.C., Simukha, the founder of the Sathavahana dynasty, unified the various Andhra principalities into one kingdom and became its ruler (271 B.C. -- 248 B.C.).Satakarni II, the sixth ruler of the dynasty (184 B.C.) was an able ruler who extended his kingdom to the west. He ruled for a period of 56 years. Pulumavi I has brought renewed strength and glory to their kingdom. The only silver lining in this dynasty was the excellent literary work, Gathasaptasati, of Hala, the 17th Satavahana king. Dharmapuri in Karimnagar was the capital city for many years.
Among Kakathiyas , Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.
During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastern province of Bahmani kingdom.
When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.
The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.
Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.
At this time the Moughals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainity of Moughal emporer Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moughlals.
With the connivance of mirjumla the Mughal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besiezed Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.
The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb's general . Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang, who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb's death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.
In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter's defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam.
The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest surviving son, Sikander Jah, occured on 7 August 1803.
Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the wertern frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.
By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.
The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded, was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam's dominion.
Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of "is Exalted Highness" was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of 'Faithful Ally of the British Government.'
Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.
In 1885 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.
In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.
Soon after the announcement of His Majesty's Government's plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a firman declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.
Meanwhile Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.
The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam's claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.
The below given are the detailed notes on the history of Ancient,medieval ,modern period of the Telangana region and also the freedom struggle, Razakar Movement and The separate Telangana agitation.
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G.O. 610 Violation
G.O. 610 & TELANGANA: History is Repeating Itself
Dr. K. Jayashankar (Former Vice-Chancellor)
The ongoing debate about the much publicised G.O. 610 has made one thing clear, i.e. the history is repeating itself. This order issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in December 1985 and required to be implemented by March 1986 is yet to be implemented. It has created a situation similar to the one created 34 years ago by G.O.36 of January 1969. If one recalls as to what had happened then, it should not be difficult to visualise as to what would happen now. The G.O. 610 will not be implemented - i
t is as simple as that. The 1969 Fiasco:
In an attempt to sort out the issues that had contributed to the Separate Telangana Movement of 1968-69, the State Government of the time issued an order that has come to be known as G.O. 36 of January 1969. It was aimed at repatriating about twenty five thousand non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in the resultant vacancies. But, the non-Mulkies appointed in the Telangana region challenged not only G.O.36 but also the very validity of what were known as Mulki Rules. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. The political elite of Andhra and the non-Mulki employees appointed in Telangana, however, did not digest it. The result was a violent movement for a separate Andhra state. The leaders of that movement demanded either scrapping of the judgement of Supreme Court of India validating Mulki Rules, and also other safeguards, or bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Andhra and Telangana states. It should be recalled that, among others, Chandrababu Naidu and Venkaiah Naidu were in the forefront of that movement.
The Government of India of the time yielded to the pressure of political might and money power of the majority region and nullified, by an act of parliament, the judgement of Supreme Court of India, besides scrapping several safeguards given to the people of Telangana as a precondition for the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Consequently, all irregular appointments were regularised, depriving local candidates of their rightful claims over those jobs.
The Present Scenario:
After nullifying the Mulki Rules, the so called Six-point formula - a diluted form of safeguards - was foisted on the people. Even this formula has been, and continues to be, violated with impunity, robbing the people of Telangana of whatever little was left in the name of safeguards. It was estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around fifty nine thousand non locals were recruited in the Telangana region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was compelled to issue G.O. 610 to rectify the situation. The sum and substance of G.O.610 was to repatriate all non local candidates illegally appointed in the Telangana region to their native zones and appoint local candidates in the resultant vacancies. The entire process was to be completed by the end of March 1986.
But, no one remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of Telangana gathered momentum in 1996. The State Government which was in slumber for so long a time then woke up and started making promises of implementing this G.O. About three years ago, a one-man commission was appointed to work out the modalities. Even before the commission completed its work, this task was entrusted to a house committee of the state legislature. It is nearly two years since this house committee was appointed, but it is yet to complete its work. It has so far given only an interim report.
It should to be noted that the number of employees recruited between 1973 and 1985, violating the statutory requirements, was estimated to be around fifty nine thousand. There could be difference of opinion about the figure. Whatever the number, it was as in December 1985. Since then, neither the G.O. has been implemented nor making illegal appointments stopped.
Therefore, the first thing to be done in this regard is to work out the number of these appointments made from 1973 till now, spanning a period of nearly two decades. According to several unofficial, but reliable, surveys the figure has already crossed two Lakhs. The house committee of the state legislature has not yet done anything tangible to arrive at the number of illegal appointments made in several departments at various levels i.e. district, zone, and region. It has not, so far, looked in to the appointments made in the state level offices and organisations to ascertain whether equitable employment opportunities were provided to the people of this region. It is yet to look in to the complaints regarding the appointments made on the strength of bogus certificates of nativity. It has, as of now, identified only a few hundred positions, mostly in the capital city and a couple of small departments. The bulk of the work is yet to be done. The interim report of the house committee is, therefore, like the tip of an iceberg. Even this interim report has not been implemented so far. On the contrary, unnecessary legal cobwebs and procedural wrangles are being created. Meanwhile, the tenure of present legislative assembly itself is coming to an end. With this scenario, can any one expect that this order is going to be implemented? It is evident that what had happened to G.O.36 of 1969 is bound to happen to G.O. 610 of 1985 as well - history will repeat itself.
Dr. K. Jayashankar (Former Vice-Chancellor)
The ongoing debate about the much publicised G.O. 610 has made one thing clear, i.e. the history is repeating itself. This order issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in December 1985 and required to be implemented by March 1986 is yet to be implemented. It has created a situation similar to the one created 34 years ago by G.O.36 of January 1969. If one recalls as to what had happened then, it should not be difficult to visualise as to what would happen now. The G.O. 610 will not be implemented - i
t is as simple as that. The 1969 Fiasco:
In an attempt to sort out the issues that had contributed to the Separate Telangana Movement of 1968-69, the State Government of the time issued an order that has come to be known as G.O. 36 of January 1969. It was aimed at repatriating about twenty five thousand non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in the resultant vacancies. But, the non-Mulkies appointed in the Telangana region challenged not only G.O.36 but also the very validity of what were known as Mulki Rules. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. The political elite of Andhra and the non-Mulki employees appointed in Telangana, however, did not digest it. The result was a violent movement for a separate Andhra state. The leaders of that movement demanded either scrapping of the judgement of Supreme Court of India validating Mulki Rules, and also other safeguards, or bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Andhra and Telangana states. It should be recalled that, among others, Chandrababu Naidu and Venkaiah Naidu were in the forefront of that movement.
The Government of India of the time yielded to the pressure of political might and money power of the majority region and nullified, by an act of parliament, the judgement of Supreme Court of India, besides scrapping several safeguards given to the people of Telangana as a precondition for the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Consequently, all irregular appointments were regularised, depriving local candidates of their rightful claims over those jobs.
The Present Scenario:
After nullifying the Mulki Rules, the so called Six-point formula - a diluted form of safeguards - was foisted on the people. Even this formula has been, and continues to be, violated with impunity, robbing the people of Telangana of whatever little was left in the name of safeguards. It was estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around fifty nine thousand non locals were recruited in the Telangana region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was compelled to issue G.O. 610 to rectify the situation. The sum and substance of G.O.610 was to repatriate all non local candidates illegally appointed in the Telangana region to their native zones and appoint local candidates in the resultant vacancies. The entire process was to be completed by the end of March 1986.
But, no one remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of Telangana gathered momentum in 1996. The State Government which was in slumber for so long a time then woke up and started making promises of implementing this G.O. About three years ago, a one-man commission was appointed to work out the modalities. Even before the commission completed its work, this task was entrusted to a house committee of the state legislature. It is nearly two years since this house committee was appointed, but it is yet to complete its work. It has so far given only an interim report.
It should to be noted that the number of employees recruited between 1973 and 1985, violating the statutory requirements, was estimated to be around fifty nine thousand. There could be difference of opinion about the figure. Whatever the number, it was as in December 1985. Since then, neither the G.O. has been implemented nor making illegal appointments stopped.
Therefore, the first thing to be done in this regard is to work out the number of these appointments made from 1973 till now, spanning a period of nearly two decades. According to several unofficial, but reliable, surveys the figure has already crossed two Lakhs. The house committee of the state legislature has not yet done anything tangible to arrive at the number of illegal appointments made in several departments at various levels i.e. district, zone, and region. It has not, so far, looked in to the appointments made in the state level offices and organisations to ascertain whether equitable employment opportunities were provided to the people of this region. It is yet to look in to the complaints regarding the appointments made on the strength of bogus certificates of nativity. It has, as of now, identified only a few hundred positions, mostly in the capital city and a couple of small departments. The bulk of the work is yet to be done. The interim report of the house committee is, therefore, like the tip of an iceberg. Even this interim report has not been implemented so far. On the contrary, unnecessary legal cobwebs and procedural wrangles are being created. Meanwhile, the tenure of present legislative assembly itself is coming to an end. With this scenario, can any one expect that this order is going to be implemented? It is evident that what had happened to G.O.36 of 1969 is bound to happen to G.O. 610 of 1985 as well - history will repeat itself.
TELANGANA MOVEMENT
The formation of states along linguistic and ethnic lines has occurred in India in numerous instances since independence in 1947 (see Linguistic States, this ch.). There have been demands, however, to form units within states based not only along linguistic, ethnic, and religious lines but also, in some cases, on a feeling of the distinctness of a geographical region and its culture and economic interests. The most volatile movements are those ongoing in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab (see Political Issues, ch. 8; Insurgent Movements and External Subversion, ch. 9). How the central government responds to these demands will be an area of scrutiny through the late 1990s and beyond. It is believed by some officials that conceding regional autonomy is less arduous and takes less time and fewer resources than does meeting agitation, violence, and demands for concessions.
Telangana Movement
An early manifestation of regionalism was the Telangana movement in what became the state of Andhra Pradesh. The princely ruler of Hyderabad, the nizam, had attempted unsuccessfully to maintain Hyderabad as an independent state separate from India in 1947. His efforts were simultaneous with the largest agrarian armed rebellion in modern Indian history. Starting in July 1946, communist-led guerrilla squads began overthrowing local feudal village regimes and organizing land reform in Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad, collectively known as Telangana (an ancient name for the region dating from the Vijayanagar period). In time, about 3,000 villages and some 41,000 square kilometers of territory were involved in the revolt. Faced with the refusal of the nizam of Hyderabad to accede his territory to India and the violence of the communist-led rebellion, the central government sent in the army in September 1948. By November 1949, Hyderabad had been forced to accede to the Indian union, and, by October 1951, the violent phase of the Telangana movement had been suppressed.
The effect of the 1946-51 rebellion and communist electoral victories in 1952 had led to the destruction of Hyderabad and set the scene for the establishment of a new state along linguistic lines. In 1953, based on the recommendation of the States Reorganisation Commission, Telugu-speaking areas were separated from the former Madras States to form Andhra, India's first state established along linguistic lines. The commission also contemplated establishing Telangana as a separate state, but instead Telangana was merged with Andhra to form the new state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956.
The concerns about Telangana were manifold. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganas feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned dam projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even though Telanganas controlled the headwaters of the rivers. Telanganas feared too that the people of Andhra would have the advantage in jobs, particularly in government and education.
The central government decided to ignore the recommendation to establish a separate Telangana state and, instead, merged the two regions into a unified Andhra Pradesh. However, a "gentlemen's agreement" provided reassurances to the Telangana people. For at least five years, revenue was to be spent in the regions proportionately to the amount they contributed. Education institutions in Telangana were to be expanded and reserved for local students. Recruitment to the civil service and other areas of government employment such as education and medicine was to be proportional. The use of Urdu was to continue in the administration and the judiciary for five years. The state cabinet was to have proportional membership from both regions and a deputy chief minister from Telangana if the chief minister was from Andhra and vice versa. Finally, the Regional Council for Telangana was to be responsible for economic development, and its members were to be elected by the members of the state legislative assembly from the region.
In the following years, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. The deputy chief minister position was never filled. Education institutions in the region were greatly expanded, but Telanganas felt that their enrollment was not proportionate to their numbers. The selection of the city of Hyderabad as the state capital led to massive migration of people from Andhra into Telangana. Telanganas felt discriminated against in education employment but were told by the state government that most non-Telanganas had been hired on the grounds that qualified local people were unavailable. In addition, the unification of pay scales between the two regions appeared to disadvantage Telangana civil servants. In the atmosphere of discontent, professional associations that earlier had amalgamated broke apart by region.
Discontent with the 1956 gentlemen's agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened "direct action" in support of the students. The Congress-controlled state and central governments offered assurances that non-Telangana civil servants in the region would be replaced by Mulkis, disadvantaged local people, and that revenue surpluses from Telangana would be returned to the region. The protestors, however, were dissatisfied, and severe violence, including mob attacks on railroads, road transport, and government facilities, spread over the region. In addition, seventy-nine police firings resulted in twenty-three deaths according to official figures, the education system was shut down, and examinations were cancelled. Calls for a separate Telangana state came in the midst of counter violence in Andhra areas bordering Telangana. In the meantime, the Andhra Pradesh High Court decreed that a central government law mandating replacement of non-Telangana government employees with Mulkis was beyond Parliament's constitutional powers.
Although the Congress faced dissension within its ranks, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as "antinational." As a result, defectors from the Congress, led by M. Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana People's Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 and, much to the disgust of many separatists, rejoined the safer political haven of the Congress ranks.
In 1972 the Supreme Court reversed the Andhra Pradesh High Court's ruling that the Mulki rules were unconstitutional. This decision triggered agitation in the Andhra region that produced six months of violence.
Throughout the 1970s, Andhra Pradesh settled into a pattern of continuous domination by Congress (R) and later Congress (I), with much instability and dissidence within the state party and constant interference from Indira Gandhi and the national party. Chenna Reddy, the erstwhile opposition leader, was for a time the Congress (I) state chief minister. Congress domination was only ended by the founding of the Telugu National Party by N.T. Rama Rao in 1982 and its overwhelming victory in the state elections in 1983.
Polls taken after the end of the Telangana movement showed a certain lack of enthusiasm for it, and for the idea of a separate state. Although urban groups (students and civil servants) had been most active in the movement, its support was stronger in rural areas. Its supporters were mixed: low and middle castes, the young and the not so young, women, illiterates and the poorly educated, and rural gentry. Speakers of several other languages than Telugu were heavily involved. The movement had no element of religious
communalism, but some observers thought Muslims were particularly involved in the movement. Other researchers found the Muslims were unenthusiastic about the movement and noted a feeling that migration from Andhra to Telangana was creating opportunities that were helping non-Telanganas. On the other hand, of the two locally prominent Muslim political groups, only one supported a separate state; the other opposed the idea while demanding full implementation of the regional safeguards. Although Urdu speakers were appealed to in the agitation (e.g., speeches were given in Urdu as well as Telugu), in the aftermath Urdu disappeared from the schools and the administration.
The Telangana movement grew out of a sense of regional identity as such, rather than out of a sense of ethnic identity, language, religion, or caste. The movement demanded redress for economic grievances, the writing of a separate history, and establishment of a sense of cultural distinctness. The emotions and forces generated by the movement were not strong enough, however, for a continuing drive for a separate state. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the People's War Group, an element of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), renewed violence in Andhra Pradesh but was dealt with by state police forces. The Telangana movement was never directed against the territorial integrity of India, unlike the insurrections in Jammu and Kashmir and some of the unrest in northeastern India.
Telangana Movement
An early manifestation of regionalism was the Telangana movement in what became the state of Andhra Pradesh. The princely ruler of Hyderabad, the nizam, had attempted unsuccessfully to maintain Hyderabad as an independent state separate from India in 1947. His efforts were simultaneous with the largest agrarian armed rebellion in modern Indian history. Starting in July 1946, communist-led guerrilla squads began overthrowing local feudal village regimes and organizing land reform in Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad, collectively known as Telangana (an ancient name for the region dating from the Vijayanagar period). In time, about 3,000 villages and some 41,000 square kilometers of territory were involved in the revolt. Faced with the refusal of the nizam of Hyderabad to accede his territory to India and the violence of the communist-led rebellion, the central government sent in the army in September 1948. By November 1949, Hyderabad had been forced to accede to the Indian union, and, by October 1951, the violent phase of the Telangana movement had been suppressed.
The effect of the 1946-51 rebellion and communist electoral victories in 1952 had led to the destruction of Hyderabad and set the scene for the establishment of a new state along linguistic lines. In 1953, based on the recommendation of the States Reorganisation Commission, Telugu-speaking areas were separated from the former Madras States to form Andhra, India's first state established along linguistic lines. The commission also contemplated establishing Telangana as a separate state, but instead Telangana was merged with Andhra to form the new state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956.
The concerns about Telangana were manifold. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganas feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned dam projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even though Telanganas controlled the headwaters of the rivers. Telanganas feared too that the people of Andhra would have the advantage in jobs, particularly in government and education.
The central government decided to ignore the recommendation to establish a separate Telangana state and, instead, merged the two regions into a unified Andhra Pradesh. However, a "gentlemen's agreement" provided reassurances to the Telangana people. For at least five years, revenue was to be spent in the regions proportionately to the amount they contributed. Education institutions in Telangana were to be expanded and reserved for local students. Recruitment to the civil service and other areas of government employment such as education and medicine was to be proportional. The use of Urdu was to continue in the administration and the judiciary for five years. The state cabinet was to have proportional membership from both regions and a deputy chief minister from Telangana if the chief minister was from Andhra and vice versa. Finally, the Regional Council for Telangana was to be responsible for economic development, and its members were to be elected by the members of the state legislative assembly from the region.
In the following years, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. The deputy chief minister position was never filled. Education institutions in the region were greatly expanded, but Telanganas felt that their enrollment was not proportionate to their numbers. The selection of the city of Hyderabad as the state capital led to massive migration of people from Andhra into Telangana. Telanganas felt discriminated against in education employment but were told by the state government that most non-Telanganas had been hired on the grounds that qualified local people were unavailable. In addition, the unification of pay scales between the two regions appeared to disadvantage Telangana civil servants. In the atmosphere of discontent, professional associations that earlier had amalgamated broke apart by region.
Discontent with the 1956 gentlemen's agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened "direct action" in support of the students. The Congress-controlled state and central governments offered assurances that non-Telangana civil servants in the region would be replaced by Mulkis, disadvantaged local people, and that revenue surpluses from Telangana would be returned to the region. The protestors, however, were dissatisfied, and severe violence, including mob attacks on railroads, road transport, and government facilities, spread over the region. In addition, seventy-nine police firings resulted in twenty-three deaths according to official figures, the education system was shut down, and examinations were cancelled. Calls for a separate Telangana state came in the midst of counter violence in Andhra areas bordering Telangana. In the meantime, the Andhra Pradesh High Court decreed that a central government law mandating replacement of non-Telangana government employees with Mulkis was beyond Parliament's constitutional powers.
Although the Congress faced dissension within its ranks, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as "antinational." As a result, defectors from the Congress, led by M. Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana People's Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 and, much to the disgust of many separatists, rejoined the safer political haven of the Congress ranks.
In 1972 the Supreme Court reversed the Andhra Pradesh High Court's ruling that the Mulki rules were unconstitutional. This decision triggered agitation in the Andhra region that produced six months of violence.
Throughout the 1970s, Andhra Pradesh settled into a pattern of continuous domination by Congress (R) and later Congress (I), with much instability and dissidence within the state party and constant interference from Indira Gandhi and the national party. Chenna Reddy, the erstwhile opposition leader, was for a time the Congress (I) state chief minister. Congress domination was only ended by the founding of the Telugu National Party by N.T. Rama Rao in 1982 and its overwhelming victory in the state elections in 1983.
Polls taken after the end of the Telangana movement showed a certain lack of enthusiasm for it, and for the idea of a separate state. Although urban groups (students and civil servants) had been most active in the movement, its support was stronger in rural areas. Its supporters were mixed: low and middle castes, the young and the not so young, women, illiterates and the poorly educated, and rural gentry. Speakers of several other languages than Telugu were heavily involved. The movement had no element of religious
communalism, but some observers thought Muslims were particularly involved in the movement. Other researchers found the Muslims were unenthusiastic about the movement and noted a feeling that migration from Andhra to Telangana was creating opportunities that were helping non-Telanganas. On the other hand, of the two locally prominent Muslim political groups, only one supported a separate state; the other opposed the idea while demanding full implementation of the regional safeguards. Although Urdu speakers were appealed to in the agitation (e.g., speeches were given in Urdu as well as Telugu), in the aftermath Urdu disappeared from the schools and the administration.
The Telangana movement grew out of a sense of regional identity as such, rather than out of a sense of ethnic identity, language, religion, or caste. The movement demanded redress for economic grievances, the writing of a separate history, and establishment of a sense of cultural distinctness. The emotions and forces generated by the movement were not strong enough, however, for a continuing drive for a separate state. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the People's War Group, an element of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), renewed violence in Andhra Pradesh but was dealt with by state police forces. The Telangana movement was never directed against the territorial integrity of India, unlike the insurrections in Jammu and Kashmir and some of the unrest in northeastern India.
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