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Showing posts with label article. Show all posts

Thursday, 14 January 2010

A Open Letter to - mohan babu..!

మోహన్ బాబు గారు మీరు సమైక్య ఆంధ్ర గురించి మాట్లాడే ముందు కొన్ని విషయాలు గుర్తు వుంచుకోవాలి
  • 1) ఏదో ఒక పనికిమాలిన అవార్డ్ ఫంక్షన్ లో మీకు లెజెండ్ బిరుదు ఇవ్వకపొతే నానా గోల పెట్టారు తెలంగాణా ప్రజల ను 53 సంవత్సరాల నుని అవమానం చేస్తూనే వున్నా మీ ఆంధ్ర వాళ్ళకు వెతిరేకంగా మేము చేస్తున్న పోరాటాన్ని అవహేళన చేయడం ఎంత వరకు సమంజసం
  • 2) మీరు నా సలీం సినిమా నడవకున్న పరవాలేదు నాకు సమైక్యఆంధ్ర కావాలి అంటున్నారు కదాఆ సినిమా మొదటి రోజే ప్లాప్ అని జనాలు అంటున్నారు , అన్ని వెబ్ సైట్ లో పెట్టిన సంగతి మీకు తెలియదా
  • 3) అన్నగారి ని ఆదర్శంగ తీసుకోని సమైక్యఆంధ్ర కావాలి అన్నారు కదాఅదే అన్నగారి ని చంద్రబాబు వెన్నుపొటు పొడిచినప్పుడు మీరు అన్నగారి పక్కన ఉండకుండా ఒక రాజ్య సభ సీట్ కోసం చంద్రబాబు పక్కన చేరినప్పుడు ఎక్కడ పోయింది మే ఆదర్శం
  • 4) మీరు, మీ కూతురు తెలుగు ప్రజల గురించి చాల మాట్లాడుతున్నారు కదాముందు మీ కూతురి కి చక్కగా తెలుగు మాట్లాడడం నేర్పండి అ తరువాత తెలుగు ప్రజల గురించి మాట్లాడమనండి
  • 5) మీరు మాటి మాటి కి నేను రాజోలి గ్రామానికి ఏదో చేశాను అన్నారు కదా ఆ గ్రామా ప్రజలే మీరు ఎం చేసారోన్యూస్ చానల్స్ లో చెప్పారు. మీరు ఇచ్చిన ఒక దుప్పటి,ఒక దోతి కంటే మాకు ఆత్మగౌరవం ఎక్కువ అన్నారు అది మీరు గుర్తు పెట్టుకోవాలి
  • 6) మీరు నేను గొడ్డు కారం తిని పెరిగినవాన్ని ఎం చేతులు ముడుచుకొని కుర్చోము అన్నారు కదా.మేము అదే గొడ్డు కారాన్ని నిజాం నవాబ్ కళ్ళలో కొట్టి ఎక్కడి నుండి పరిగేతించిన వాళ్ళం మేము.మీరు అప్పుడు గొడ్డు కారం తిన వచ్చు ఇప్పుడు తిన లేక పోవచ్చు కానీ మేము అప్పుడు ఇప్పుడు అదే కారం తింటున్నాం.
  • 7) అడవి లో అన్న అనే సినిమా తీసినప్పుడు మీకు తెలంగాణా ప్రజల కష్టాలు తెలియవా అప్పుడు డబ్బులకు అమ్ముడు పోయావా
  • 8) SKUలో మాట్లాడుతు సమైక్యఆంధ్ర అంటే మనకు తెలియదు అన్నాడుముందు నువ్వు 50 సంవత్సరాల నుండి తెలంగాణా (హైదరాబాద్) వుంటున్నావు కదా నేకు ముందు తెలంగాణా గురించి ఎం తెలుసుఅలాంటిది సమైక్యఆంధ్ర గురించి తెలుసు కోవలిసిన అవసరం మాకు లేదు.ఐన సమైక్యఆంధ్ర అంటే తెలంగాణా వాళ్ళను దోచుకు తినడం కాదు ..నీ లాగా . ఇక్కడి డబ్బులతో పైకి వొచ్చి ఇక్కడి ప్రజల మనోబావాలను అవహేళన చేయడం అంతకన్నా కాదు
జై తెలంగాణా
by : Abhiram

Wednesday, 13 January 2010

Makara Sankranti - An end to Telangana antagonists

Tamaso Ma Jyotir Gamaya', may you go higher & higher, to more & more Light and never to Darkness. This is Makar Sankranti’s message to the people of Telangana. As Surya begins its ascendancy today, so shall Telangana begin its.

Just as Lord Vishnu ended the terrors of the Asuras on this day, by finishing them off and burying their heads under the Mandara Parvata, so do we the people of Telangana need to finish the evil and exploitative forces that hold us in bondage. We have raised our voice and it has hardly made a dent in the center’s policy. We are still hearing words like “normalcy to return”, “consultative approach” from the Central leadership. The time for discussions, platitudes and negotiations is over, like Lord Vishnu’s Sudarshan Chakra, we have to sever the power fount of the exploitative anti Telangana forces.
"The resistance to Telangana is from two powerful forces-
The land mafia in Hyderabad and The Government contractors in AP.
Dry the power of these two factions and the life blood of the anti Te
langana forces will dry down."

  • 1)First, how do we tackle the land mafia with their political, and goonda power.? We have neither the money nor the gun toting armies like them, but we have is as powerful as the Sudarshan chakra, the might of our numbers and our determination and like Vishnu we need to wield it just once. Let us take one strong and decisive move, select the most visible and voluble Telangana antagonist, a highly visible example of trickery and cheating who has illegally occupied acres of prime land in Hyderabad, and lay siege to its offices and business interests and force the suspension of work. This will hit the exploiters jugular with no effect on the people and future of Telangana. We all know this business house will not have employed any person from Telangana hence if its offices are closed down the livelihood of our people is not jeopardized nor will it impact our future as the business will not be working on the regions development. Its mantra would be make money in Hyderabad and develop Vijayawada or Vizag. This will give out the message, loud and clear to the others that it is time for them to pack their bags and go.

  • 2 ) Coming to the Government contractors, how do we tackle them?. This is where our brothers and sisters in Government and Administration need to pitch in. You will have to see to it, that no contractor except if it is from Telangana is awarded any project. And if it has completed or is working on any project ensure the money due to them is delayed indefinitely. I am sure we can make this happen by using the Government machinery to delay approvals and payments. Once they realize that Hyderabad and Telangana is no longer the goose that lays the golden egg, their antipathy and resistance to our state will die a natural death.

This will require firm and decisive action on our part, and if we hesitate any longer the time will be lost and we will have to wait for another 50 years for a Makar Sankranti like todays. Let us remember we have lost all and there is nothing more to lose. Now, there is just one way to go, UP. Telangana will be born not with a whimper but a roar.

Jai Telangana!
Jai Hind !


courtesy : neera

Monday, 4 January 2010

Baseless,meaningless samaikyandra demand

  • సమైక్యంద్ర ఉద్యమానికి ఆంద్ర ప్రదేశ్ బంధు కాదు సీమంద్ర బందుకు పిలుపునివ్వడం?
  • సమైక్యంద్ర ఉద్యమం అంటూ ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ లో బాగమైన తెలంగాణ ప్రజలను హింసించడం?
  • సమైక్యంద్ర ఉద్యమం అంటూ ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ లో బాగమైన తెలంగాణా జిల్లాల్లో పర్యటించక పోవడం?
  • సమైక్యంద్ర ఉద్యమం అని ఇప్పుడు అంటూ అందరు నెల కింద వరకు తెలంగాణా అన్న వాళ్ళే కావడం?
  • సమైక్యంద్ర ఉద్యమం అనే వాళ్ళు తెలంగాణాలో చనిపోయే వారికి కనీసం అలా చెయ్యకండి అని కూడా చెప్పకపోవడం.?
ఇదేనా సమైక్యం. మాటల్లో చెప్పే సమైక్యం వాళ్ళు చేసే పనుల్లో, ప్రవర్తించే తీరులో, ఇప్పటి వరకు చేసిన పాలనలో, మనలను గుర్తించిన తీరులో ఎక్కడ లేదు కాబట్టే మనకు తెలంగాణా కావాలని కోరుతున్నాము.

మనకు వాళ్లకు ఉన్న తేడా ఒక్కటే 60 ఏళ్లుగా మన విడిపోదాం అని ఉద్యమాలు చేసిన ఆంద్ర వాళ్ళు ఇక్కడ లక్షల మంది వచ్చిన వాళ్ళను గౌరవించాము, కలిసి మెలిసి ఉన్నాము. కాని అక్కడి వారు మాత్రం మాటల్లో కలిసి ఉందాము అని చెబుతున్నారు కాని ఏనాడు ఇక్కడి ప్రజలకు విలువ ఇవ్వలేదు అదీ తేడా.


jai telangana

courtesy -sathish

Video--Telangana Jalayagnam facts

Thursday, 31 December 2009

The people of Telangana are treated as second-rate citizens'


When Jawaharlal Nehru announced the formation of a united Andhra Pradesh, he commented, "an innocent girl called Telangana is being married to a naughty boy called Andhra. It is their choice to continue or to get separated."


Today the people of Telangana say that the innocent girl can no longer stay married to the naughty boy. Several proponents of the movement say that it is high time their 'state' is given back to them.


Dr Srinivas Raj, one of the leaders of the Telangana movement, has prepared a ready reckoner on the issue. Raj along with several others has been distributing this booklet among the people of Telangana and convincing the people why this movement is important and how their lives would change once Telangana is created.


In this interview with rediff.com's Vicky Nanjappa, Raj gives an interesting insight about the movement for a seperate Telangana. He also goes into length about the backroom politics that is being played in trying to curb this movement.




Could you give us a brief history of the Telangana movement?


We talk of Jalianwala Bagh with such great interest. No one wants to even think of the massacre that took place in Telangana, when the Nizam was ruling us. The Hyderabad state was under the Nizam and Urdu was the official language at that time. Right from that time, the people of Telangana were being suppressed. The Nizam's army butchered the people of Telangana who fought for their rights and there were at least 6 Jalianwala Bagh-like incidents at that point of time. The problem is that we continue to get suppressed even today and that is why we feel that a separate state is required.


You had a separate state, then what happened?


Between 1948 and 1956 Telangana was a separate state.
Hyderabad had several industries including two airports. A lot of attention was foccused on the Telangana region and this area had a lot of infrastructure. Time magazine had in 1937 featured V Usman Ali Khan as the wealthiest man in the world. This only speaks of the wealth that there was in this region.

Once Andhra and Rayalseema came out of the Madras presidency, the people of those regions thought that it would be best to merge Telangana with their regions. Our assembly building, the high court building were all from the Nizam's period. In 1909, M Visveswaraya, the father of engineering, constructed an underground drainage system in Hyderabad, which is being used even today. 69 per cent of the Krishna rivers's catchment area is in Telangana. The revenue that was being generated in the Telangana region was much more when compared to Andhra and Rayalseema.


The fact that Dr B R Ambedkar had said that Hyderabad should be made the second capital of India [ Images ] speaks volumes about the region. Moreover Hyderabad is a connecting point between north and south India. They wanted ready-made infrastructure which was in abundance in Telangana and hence they managed to pressurise the government of India to consider their decision.


Which promises were broken when the Union government merged Telangana with Andhra?



The very first promise that was broken was regarding the name of the state. The Union government had promised us that the state would be known as the Andhra Telangana state. However overnight, the leaders from the Andhra and Rayalseema regions managed to convince the government to change the name to Andhra Pradesh. After that the leaders of the two other regions worked consistently to make Telangana a backward region. Another instance of a broken promise is the fact that the Shriram Sagar water project in Nizamabad has been in cold storage for the past 40 years.


What is the main justification for seeking a separate state? Do you really think that things would improve?



It is absolutely important that we be given a separate state. Our accent and our culture is different. Our style is very Deccan and we use a lot of Urdu when we speak. We have a mixture of northern and southern style. We even celebrate Holi. We have every reason to demand for a state. To be honest, if Telangana is carved out it would be bigger than 100 countries in the world and larger than 18 states in the country. Once Telangana is carved out it will be 1,14,800 square kilometers.


What we fail to understand is that how did the government manage to bypass all of you and merge Telangana?



We concentrated more on development and not politics. The simple fact is that we did not have access to the central leadership in the same way as the leaders of Andhra and Rayalseema had.


How do the people of Telangana region look at the people of the rest of Andhra Pradesh?


The question should be the other way around. Since day one, we have been treated like second-rate citizens. Depriving us of development is one issue, but the fact that everyone makes fun of us is also an important point in Telangana. Take the film industry for instance. There are no cinema heroes from our region. Moreover what hurts the most is that the language spoken by the people of Telangana is always attributed to a joker or a villain in the movies.


There has been terrible violence due to this issue. Would you want to justify that?



The violence is not half of what the media has been projecting it to be. In the Telangana region, the Andhra Pradesh Road Transport Corporation faced a loss of Rs 7 crore due to the protests. This was mainly because the bus services were shut down and also due to incidents of stone pelting. Whereas in Andhra and Rayalseema the losses were to the tune of Rs 70 crore and this was largely because buses were being burnt.



The Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited too had said that at the Shrikrishna Devaraya University at Rayalseema, students had burnt its optic fibres which resulted in a loss of Rs 2 crore.

There was also an incident in which supporters of J C Divakar Reddy in Rayalseema had bombed a railway station, causing a loss of Rs 10 crore. Now it is clear that the people of Telangana have not been protesting in these regions. We have only protested in a democratic manner. All these statistics have never been reported by the media since 95 per cent of the media is being controlled by barons from the Andhra and Rayalseema regions. The media too has been asked to project only incidents taking place in the Rayalseema region. Please understand this is our demand for the past 50 years, it is not something that has happened overnight.



What is your view on the flip flop by political parties in Andhra Pradesh?




Both the Telegu Desam Party and the Praja Rajyam Party had said that they would support the bill if it is introduced. Till the 2009 elections, the TDP was against Telangana, but at the time of the polls they joined hands with the Telangana Rashtra Samiti since it felt that the demand was very strong. Today due to pressure from the other regions, they are backtracking.



Many legislators raised a point saying that the Union government had acted in haste by announcing the formation of a separate state at midnight. I would like to ask them whether they had a problem when India got independence at midnight.

This issue has scared off investors. Aren't you worried that the economy of the region will suffer?



The people of Andhra and Rayalseema have purchased land from the poor people of Telangana at throw away prices. Over the years they have inflated the prices. These persons are worried. There is also the middle class which has invested in land in the Telangana region. I would say for a fact that the prices would drop by half once Telangana is formed. However this is temporary. Once the state is formed and the Telangana government invites investors, the real estate would be back to normal.


Finally, there is a murmur that Y S Jaganmohan Reddy [ Images ] (son of late chief minister Y S Rajeshakara Reddy) could be behind all this in a bid to overthrow K Rosaiah. What is your take on this?


(Laughs), He is very much behind the scenes or at least was behind it. He did try and overthrow Rosaiah by escalating the tension. However things went out of control when the movement went into the hands of the Telangana people. He is now in soup since there is pressure from the people of his belt. He is now trying to paint a different picture to come out of the soup.

source : rediff


Article : Keshavarao speaking on Telangna

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Saturday, 26 December 2009

"This is just Peoples Moment"--Suresh Reddy

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ChandraBabu Double Game!!

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Article : "Telangana -A Land of Sacrifice ,Humiliaction and Loot"

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Creation of New States must be a all National Parties Responsiblity

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Telangana JAC Ulitmatum to High Command

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Friday, 25 December 2009

Telangana can never be developed in United Andhra..

This strong stance from Nehru to Indira Gandhi to Rajiv Gandhi to Sonia Gandhi has costed Telangana people 53 years of Development time.

There is no way Telangana can be developed in United Andhra..

The fund allocation to Telangana region is paltry and on paper.

The pending irrigation projects in this region have touched to a whopping 88,000 Crores and the other two regions account only for 16000 Crores of pending irrigation projects.

90% of the suicides of Farmers from AP are from Telangana region.

CostaSeema garnered the lions share for the loan waiver announced by UPA government, the fund was stashed by the already wealthy people of the those regions.

CostaSeema worry that they are loosing a golden goose as they loose a chance to stash away free money allotted to this region.

Wednesday, 22 November 2006

telangana in education field : prof. k . Jayashankar

http://www.telangana.org/Papers/article4.asp

TELANGANA MOVEMENT

The formation of states along linguistic and ethnic lines has occurred in India in numerous instances since independence in 1947 (see Linguistic States, this ch.). There have been demands, however, to form units within states based not only along linguistic, ethnic, and religious lines but also, in some cases, on a feeling of the distinctness of a geographical region and its culture and economic interests. The most volatile movements are those ongoing in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab (see Political Issues, ch. 8; Insurgent Movements and External Subversion, ch. 9). How the central government responds to these demands will be an area of scrutiny through the late 1990s and beyond. It is believed by some officials that conceding regional autonomy is less arduous and takes less time and fewer resources than does meeting agitation, violence, and demands for concessions.

Telangana Movement

An early manifestation of regionalism was the Telangana movement in what became the state of Andhra Pradesh. The princely ruler of Hyderabad, the nizam, had attempted unsuccessfully to maintain Hyderabad as an independent state separate from India in 1947. His efforts were simultaneous with the largest agrarian armed rebellion in modern Indian history. Starting in July 1946, communist-led guerrilla squads began overthrowing local feudal village regimes and organizing land reform in Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad, collectively known as Telangana (an ancient name for the region dating from the Vijayanagar period). In time, about 3,000 villages and some 41,000 square kilometers of territory were involved in the revolt. Faced with the refusal of the nizam of Hyderabad to accede his territory to India and the violence of the communist-led rebellion, the central government sent in the army in September 1948. By November 1949, Hyderabad had been forced to accede to the Indian union, and, by October 1951, the violent phase of the Telangana movement had been suppressed.

The effect of the 1946-51 rebellion and communist electoral victories in 1952 had led to the destruction of Hyderabad and set the scene for the establishment of a new state along linguistic lines. In 1953, based on the recommendation of the States Reorganisation Commission, Telugu-speaking areas were separated from the former Madras States to form Andhra, India's first state established along linguistic lines. The commission also contemplated establishing Telangana as a separate state, but instead Telangana was merged with Andhra to form the new state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956.

The concerns about Telangana were manifold. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganas feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned dam projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even though Telanganas controlled the headwaters of the rivers. Telanganas feared too that the people of Andhra would have the advantage in jobs, particularly in government and education.

The central government decided to ignore the recommendation to establish a separate Telangana state and, instead, merged the two regions into a unified Andhra Pradesh. However, a "gentlemen's agreement" provided reassurances to the Telangana people. For at least five years, revenue was to be spent in the regions proportionately to the amount they contributed. Education institutions in Telangana were to be expanded and reserved for local students. Recruitment to the civil service and other areas of government employment such as education and medicine was to be proportional. The use of Urdu was to continue in the administration and the judiciary for five years. The state cabinet was to have proportional membership from both regions and a deputy chief minister from Telangana if the chief minister was from Andhra and vice versa. Finally, the Regional Council for Telangana was to be responsible for economic development, and its members were to be elected by the members of the state legislative assembly from the region.

In the following years, however, the Telangana people had a number of complaints about how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. The deputy chief minister position was never filled. Education institutions in the region were greatly expanded, but Telanganas felt that their enrollment was not proportionate to their numbers. The selection of the city of Hyderabad as the state capital led to massive migration of people from Andhra into Telangana. Telanganas felt discriminated against in education employment but were told by the state government that most non-Telanganas had been hired on the grounds that qualified local people were unavailable. In addition, the unification of pay scales between the two regions appeared to disadvantage Telangana civil servants. In the atmosphere of discontent, professional associations that earlier had amalgamated broke apart by region.

Discontent with the 1956 gentlemen's agreement intensified in January 1969 when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly swiftly threatened "direct action" in support of the students. The Congress-controlled state and central governments offered assurances that non-Telangana civil servants in the region would be replaced by Mulkis, disadvantaged local people, and that revenue surpluses from Telangana would be returned to the region. The protestors, however, were dissatisfied, and severe violence, including mob attacks on railroads, road transport, and government facilities, spread over the region. In addition, seventy-nine police firings resulted in twenty-three deaths according to official figures, the education system was shut down, and examinations were cancelled. Calls for a separate Telangana state came in the midst of counter violence in Andhra areas bordering Telangana. In the meantime, the Andhra Pradesh High Court decreed that a central government law mandating replacement of non-Telangana government employees with Mulkis was beyond Parliament's constitutional powers.

Although the Congress faced dissension within its ranks, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as "antinational." As a result, defectors from the Congress, led by M. Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana People's Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 and, much to the disgust of many separatists, rejoined the safer political haven of the Congress ranks.

In 1972 the Supreme Court reversed the Andhra Pradesh High Court's ruling that the Mulki rules were unconstitutional. This decision triggered agitation in the Andhra region that produced six months of violence.
Throughout the 1970s, Andhra Pradesh settled into a pattern of continuous domination by Congress (R) and later Congress (I), with much instability and dissidence within the state party and constant interference from Indira Gandhi and the national party. Chenna Reddy, the erstwhile opposition leader, was for a time the Congress (I) state chief minister. Congress domination was only ended by the founding of the Telugu National Party by N.T. Rama Rao in 1982 and its overwhelming victory in the state elections in 1983.

Polls taken after the end of the Telangana movement showed a certain lack of enthusiasm for it, and for the idea of a separate state. Although urban groups (students and civil servants) had been most active in the movement, its support was stronger in rural areas. Its supporters were mixed: low and middle castes, the young and the not so young, women, illiterates and the poorly educated, and rural gentry. Speakers of several other languages than Telugu were heavily involved. The movement had no element of religious

communalism, but some observers thought Muslims were particularly involved in the movement. Other researchers found the Muslims were unenthusiastic about the movement and noted a feeling that migration from Andhra to Telangana was creating opportunities that were helping non-Telanganas. On the other hand, of the two locally prominent Muslim political groups, only one supported a separate state; the other opposed the idea while demanding full implementation of the regional safeguards. Although Urdu speakers were appealed to in the agitation (e.g., speeches were given in Urdu as well as Telugu), in the aftermath Urdu disappeared from the schools and the administration.

The Telangana movement grew out of a sense of regional identity as such, rather than out of a sense of ethnic identity, language, religion, or caste. The movement demanded redress for economic grievances, the writing of a separate history, and establishment of a sense of cultural distinctness. The emotions and forces generated by the movement were not strong enough, however, for a continuing drive for a separate state. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the People's War Group, an element of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), renewed violence in Andhra Pradesh but was dealt with by state police forces. The Telangana movement was never directed against the territorial integrity of India, unlike the insurrections in Jammu and Kashmir and some of the unrest in northeastern India.